Chat with us, powered by LiveChat UofM The Role of Law in Creation of Markets Essay |

Compare and/or contrast the role of identity, or self-interested groups, in the creation of markets.

Compare and/or contrast the role of law, institutions and/or the state in the creation of markets.

Compare or contrast the role of science/technology in the economy (note manufacturing can be thought of as a technology also).

Drawing on two cases read in the class, compare and/or contrast how the desire to initiate societal level changes creates opportunities for entrepreneurship, enterprise or market creation.

Grading Rubric:

A          Comprehensive referencing of the reading. The writer is able to convey their arguments using a mastery of the reading. No editing, proofing or grammatical errors.

A-  Comprehensive referencing of the reading. The writer is able to convey their arguments using a mastery of the reading. 2 or less editing, proofing or grammatical errors.

B+  Demonstrates a general understanding of the reading. Some filling in of history. 3 or more grammatical, proofing, errors.

  1. B    Demonstrates a general understanding of the reading with errors. May also fill in history. Several grammar errors
  2. B-   Understanding has some errors but shows some understanding that don’t detract from main argument seriously. Several grammar errors.
  3. C    Several errors with little understanding of main ideas.
  4. C-   No understanding of the reading. Several grammar errors.

D    Paper shows little coherence.

Reading List:

Social Movements as Drivers of Business Innovation

-Hayagreeva Rao, “The French Revolution: Collective Action and the Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation”, 69-89.

Who Is Responsible for Business Growth (and where did it begin)?

-James Madison,

Federalist Paper #10 (Links to an external site.)


two excerpts

from Alexander Hamilton, “Report on Manufactures,” 1791

Link 1:…

Link 2:…


Is Slavery One of America’s First Big Businesses?

-James H. Hammond, “Cotton Is King”

-Drew Gilpin Faust, “James Henry Hammond and the Plantation as a Business Enterprise”

How Activists Make or Break Radical Innovations
Princeton and Oxford
Chapter 4
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
Escoffier’s First Menu: December 16, 1897
Hors d’oeuvre
Caviar and blinis
Consomme of beef, chicken, and turtle, thickened with arrowroot,
garnished with diced turtle and Madeira wine
Chicken consomme, garnished with shoots
Young turbot with a sauce of Vol nay wine, garnished with lettuce
Sole filleted and cooked in butter, dressed in timbale with a garnish
of small potatoes, slices of truffles rolled in meat glaze
Poularde fillets with truffles
Beans from the Marais
Venison with minced mushrooms and shallots
Chestnut souffle
Crayfish with pepper sauce, juniper berries, Marsala
Sorbet rose
Spit-roasted snipes
freshness, natural flavors, and exotic spices. Instead of the
foie gras soaked in Rhone wine as in Escoffier’s Ritz, one
might have encountered foie gras with Chinese cabbage and
grilled groundnuts. Similarly, Escoffier’s crayfish in muscovite sauce might have yielded to a fricassee of lobster, the
fish in heavy sauces would have been replaced by linecaught fish served grilled, and instead of the venison
drenched in sauce, one would encounter grilled calf sweetbreads. The heavy millefeuille dessert would have been replaced by a granita of mocha. This was the nouvelle cuisine
How did classical cuisine succumb? The method of its
Celeriac salad from Perigord
demise and the rise of nouvelle cuisine provide an interesting
Argentuil asparagus
glimpse into the social sources of radical technological
Foie gras poached in Rhone wine
change in creative industries such as the arts, music, food,
Sicilian bombe
and drama.
As alluded to in chapter 3, creative industries suffer
from a “cost disease” and lag in productivity behind the
general economy. In such industries, the conditions of production inhibit radical technological change because the
“work of the performer is an end in itself.” 1 String quartets
are not peddling something beyond a given performance;
they are not trying to give the consumer more Beethoven
Fruity millefeuille
Thus, while one of Escoffier’s employees went on to lead a
revolution elsewhere, classical cuisine remained undisturbed
for several decades.
It was only in 1972 that a band of young, rebellious
French chefs-Paul Bocuse, Alain Chapel, Michel Guerard,
George Blanc, and the Troisgros brothers-aided by two
culinary journalists, Henri Gault and Christian Millau, led
a revolution that subverted the tenets of classical cuisine.
Had one visited Maison Troisgros in the early 1970s, the
menu would have featured very different cooking techniques than Escoffier’s, with methods that emphasized
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
Chapter 4
for the buck. If this is the case, how does disruptive technological chauge lead to new products and new processes
in the cr~ative arts? More specifically, creative industries,
as the sociologist Howard Becker suggests, feature artworlds-networks of cooperative production among artists,
support personnel, critics, and the final consumer-which
are governed by conventions that specify the materials to be
used, and the techniques that are employed require cooperation among the various actors. 2 Conventions constrain in-
novation; support personnel and gatekeepers have incentives to preserve the status quo. How are conventions
In this chapter I draw on my research on haute cuisine
restaurants in France during the period 1970-97 to demonstrate how collective action spurred the ascent of nouvelle
cuisine as a style, and rebels articulated a hot causefreedom from Escoffier-and relied on cool mobilization
through fresh, exotic ingredients and improvisation by
chefs. The nouvelle cuisine movement sought to transform
the identity of the chef from a technician following the instructions of Escoffier into an inventor. Once the heat that
The Codification of Classical Cuisine as a Style
The French Revolution of 1789 undermined the logic of cuisine
in the ancien regime, wherein meals were public spectacles
organized according to hierarchy and the chef was virtually
owned by patrons or nobles. But after the French Revolution,
chefs who once worked in the houses of private patrons offered
their services to the public by establishing restaurants in Paris
and its environs. Haute cuisine shifted from private homes into
public restaurants, the spectacle of the banquet was replaced by
a more intimate encounter, the hierarchy of the banquet of the
ancien regime was supplanted by a more egalitarian order, and
the extravagance of banquets gave way to economy.4
An informal and decentralized effort to systematize the
it became cool for chefs to borrow and blend ingredients
and techniques from both styles.’ French gastronomy is a
creative industry and its high-brow status contrasts nicely
with the worlds of beer and radio that we explored in
chapter 3. Moreover, French gastronomy is interesting
because restaurants pursue profits by selling short-lived
principles of this cuisine was led by chefs and gastronomic
journalists. An10ng these writers, the most influential was
Antonin Careme (1784-1833), a chef who worked in the
houses of great patrons such as Talleyrand. He pioneered the
effort to systematize the principles of the modern cuisine
that emerged after the French Revolution. Careme disparaged the old cuisine of the ancien regime because it did not
mesh with the zeitgeist of post-revolutionary France, and in
his Philosophical History of Cuisine (1833) he created a vision
of grande cuisine as both an art and a science. He simplified
meals so that there were four courses at dinner instead of
eight, gave more space to those sitting at the table, and
sought to redefine humble dishes such as pot-au-feu as the
essence of a French cuisine. He and his disciples produced
sauces that were works of art; sauces such as bourguignonne,
divided nouvelle cuisine from classical cuisine dissipated,
salmis, sauce supreme, or sauce hollandaise camouflaged the
Chapter 4
meat, game, or fish being served rather than enhancing their
flavor. Stressing delicacy, order, and economy, CarE:me
brought symmetry to the service of meals and introduced a
new awareness of freshness and sanitation into the French
kitchen. Careme’s ideas quicldy diffused throughout the
kitchens of Parisian restaurants, as well as the rest of France,
and reshaped the culinary culture of the times. 5
Careme’s ideas were strengthened by a new breed of
chefs, which included Georges Auguste Escoffier (1847-1935)
and his circle of collaborators-including his friend Prosper
Montagne (1865-1948), author of the Larousse Gastronomique (1938), who worked in the kitchens of fashionable hotels that had been established in the major cities of Europe,
notably by Cesar Ritz, toward the end of the nineteenth century. If Careme’s books constituted the Old Testament, Escoffier’s Guide Culinaire, first published in 1903, was the New
Testament that formed the body of what came to be known
as classical cuisine, and it remains a central text in the train-
ing of professional cooks. Escoffier wrote down dishes in the
order of presentation (service ala Russe), and developed the
first a la carte menu. He simplified the art of cooking by getting rid of ostentatious food displays and elaborate garnishes, and reduced the number of courses served. He emphasized the use of seasonal foods and nrged that sauces be
used to reveal the flavors of game, meat, and fish rather than
to conceal them. Escoffier siniplified professional kitchen organization, integrating it into a single unit from its previ-
ously individualized sections that operated autonomously
and led to waste and duplication of labor. It was during the
Escoffier era that French haute cuisine achieved the undis74
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
puted international hegemony that it had begun to acquire
since the Restoration. In the preface to the 1907 edition of
Guide Culinaire, Escoffier summarized classical cuisine as
follows: “In a word, cookery whilst continuing to be an art
will become scientific and will have to submit its formulas
which very often are still too empirical, to a method and precision which leaves nothing to chance.”
He conceived of classical cuisine as codified grammar of
culinary practice: a product can be cooked in different ways,
served with different sauces, and accompanied by different
fillings. Escoffier’s guide was issued in several editions and
remained the dominant orthodoxy until it was undermined
by the nouvelle cuisine movement. The French culinary
writer Claude Fischler identified five dimensions to understanding the cultural logic and role of identity of classical
cuisine: culinary rhetoric, rules of cooking, archetypal ingredients used, the role of the chef, and the organization of the
menu. 6 Table 4.2 displays these dimensions.’
The culinary rhetoric of classical cuisine reveals the emphasis on conservatism and preservation. Often, dishes were
named after the places, noblemen, or mythological characters associated with them. Moreover, cooking consisted of
the application of two principles: conformation to the rules
formulated by Careme and Escoffier, and sublimation of the
ingredients such that the raw material was visually transformed. The archetypal ingredients used were high game,
shellfish, cream, poultry, and river fish. The menu was organized so that it consisted of a long list and required substantial inventories in the restaurant. The chef was an employee
of the restaurant-owner and remained in the background.
Chapter 4
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
The Classical Cuisine Code
Culinary Rhetoric
Names of dishes refer to rhetoric, memory,
and legitimacy
Rules of Cooking
Conformation, or staying in conformity with
Escoffier’s principles: gratins and quene!les,
terrines, pates, confits, jambons, jambonneaux, saucissons, boudins, andouillettes
Sublimation, or sublimating the ingredients:
brioches, croOtes, vessies, farces, eminces,
chaussons, croustades, vol au vent, sauces,
flambages (flambe), bisques, delices, dodines,
timbales, Chateaubriand
Archetypal Ingredients
Role of the Chef
of the Menu
High game, shellfish, cream, poultry,
river fish
The restaurateur, rarely the owner, and never
the cook, has the power in the rooms of luxury
hotels and palaces. The classical service is
organized through the saucepan. The waiters cut and serve the dishes, blaze (“flambe”)
preparations. The rituals are outside the plate.
Extremely long menu, almost all the classical
dishes are registered. Need for large inventories, therefore less freshness. Consuming is
a long ceremony. Related art is Architecture
(three dimensions). Relief and contours are
important. One sense is critical: vision.
ing> in transforming> in metamorphosing the raw materiat
to put it from Nature to Culture…. The maitre queruc was a
kind of grand ‘sophisticator; in the etymologic sense of’falsificator.’»8
This logic and role identity of chefs became institutionalized through a network of training schools such as Le Cordon Bleu and professional societies such as the Association
des Maitres Queruc. Although it was started in 1896 to provide training to housewives, Le Cordon Bleu began offering
courses in haute cuisine classique from
that were first
overseen by Charles Driessens, then by Mademoiselle Distel
from 1904 until 1930, and later by Henri-Paul Pellaprat for
several decades. In 1950, forty chefs trained in haute cuisine
classique established the Association des Maitres Queux to
certify master chefs who were exponents of haute cuisine
and to ensure the highest standards of professional excellence. Classical cuisine reigned supreme for three decades
after Escoffier’s death in 1935 because of such training
schools and societies. Such was the ascendancy of classical
cuisine that the magazine Le Cordon Bleu had twenty-five
thousand subscribers in 1930 and became a drawing card in
its own right.
Autonomy as the Hot Cause and Improvisation
as Cool Mobilization
The rituals of dining prominently featured the waiter, who
Nouvelle cuisine arose because the events of May 1968 ex-
cut aud served dishes, flambeed the preparations, and orga-
posed contradictions between two values: conformity to Es-
nized the service through the saucepan. Fischler summarized
coffier and the autonomy of the che£ Just as the French Rev-
it as follows: “The art of the cook consisted in accommodat-
olution was the master movement that led to the death knell
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
Chapter 4
of ancien regime cuisine and the construction of classical
cuisine by Careme and other gastronomic writers, the
events of May 1968 triggered the decline of classical cuisine
and the growth of the nouvelle cuisine movement. Fischler
The Grande Cuisine, at the end of the 1960s, experiences a kind of revolution and revelation. Beyond
this sudden vogue, there is a larger wave, one of
wide-ranging social and economical movements that
had been transforming the French society, and
wavelets, tbose that the larger wave indirectly induced in the Cuisine and catering industries. The
Grande Gastronomy crystallizes and precipitates latent trends in the society…. When studying the nature and content of the Nouvelle Cuisine, one could
perceive a large part of further evolutions in the attitudes and behaviors in France.’
The larger wave was the protests of May 1968, which hastened the wavelet of nouvelle cuisine. On May 6, 1968, students at the Sorbonne who were protesting against the punishment meted out to eight students at Nanterre for their
opposition to the Vietnam War were attacked by police on
the Boulevard St. Germain. Scores of students were arrested,
and many students and policemen were injured. Soon stu-
nated distinctions between those who gave orders and those
who took tlrem. France was on the verge of a revolution with
twelve million workers on strike, 122 factories occupied by
workers, and students battling against an authoritarian system. The anti-authoritarian wave of May 1968 amplified the
effect of undercurrents already visible in the literary, theater,
film, and culinary worlds through the le nouveau roman, la
nouvelle critique, le nouveau theatre, and la nouvelle vague
anti-schools. All of these anti-schools shared similar conceptual principles and challenged convention, hierarchy, and
The nouvelle cuisine movement was an echo of these
anti-schools; its first stirrings appeared in 1965 and were visible in 1972. Nouvelle cuisine was shaped and promoted by
activists in the center of the French culinary world, chefs who
had received the highest honors from the French state and
had garnered plaudits from the Guide Michelin. Nouvelle
cuisine was a bid to enhance the professional autonomy of
chefs. Under classical cuisine chefs possessed tire freedom to
establish their own restaurants in classical cuisine and design
their menus, and celebrity chefs with three Michelin stars
could also control financial promoters. However, no matter
how well trained chefs were, they lacked technical autonomy
because their role was to translate the intentions or prescrip-
tions ofEscoffier into products. Under classical cuisine, chefs
lacked the freedom to create and invent dishes, and the nou-
dents mobilized with marches, decried examinations as a rite
velle cuisine movement sought to make chefs into inventors
of initiation into capitalism, called for the triumph of the
“general will over the General” (De Gaulle), and sought to
create a society that valued personal autonomy and elirni-
rather than mere technicians.
Paul Bocuse and other activists were able to denounce
the lack of autonomy for chefs in classical cuisine because
Chapter 4
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
their criticisms resonated with the sentiments against hierarchy that were gaining ground after the events of May 1968
and were also in tune with the avant-garde movements in the
Culinary Rhetoric
literary and artistic worlds. Bocuse and other co-evangelists
exploited the ideas of simplicity and economy in classical
cuisine to fashion a new logic and a new identity for chefs.
Just as students in Nantes and film directors such as Godard
challenged old rules such as exams or a stylized sequence of
shots, Bocuse and his allies questioned culinary conventions
and exhorted chefs to engage in culinary invention. In an
echo of the students’ protests against ostentation and fakery
and film-makers’ struggle for realism, the Troisgros brothers
and Alain Chapel wanted simplicity and economy of presentation. If literary critics like Barthes and Derrida sought to
portray the reader as a creator of meaning, Bocuse and
Chapel wanted chefs to have a role in creating and inventing
dishes rather than simply understanding the intentions of
Escoffier. Table 4.3 displays the nouvelle cuisine code. 10
Nouvelle cuisine relied on the rules of transgression and
acclimatization. Transgression consisted of using old cooking techniques with new ingredients or with old ingredients
in illegitimate ways, mixing meat and fish, creating salads
that mixed vegetables and foie gras, and serving pot-au-feu
with fish. Acclimatization meant importing exotic foreign
cuisine traditions, notably seasoning and spices. Two influences can be identified: the influence from Japanese cuisine
during the late 1970s, when most of the evangelists traveled
to Japan, and the growing influence of former colonies and
immigrants.11 The ingredients of nouvelle cuisine included
fruits, vegetables, potatoes, aromatic herbs, exotic ingredi80
Nouvelle Cuisine Code
Appellations refer to poetry, imagination, and
evocation: small (petit), diminutives,
eminces, alleges; symphonies, trilogies,
menus, assiettes
Rules of Cooking
Transgression: using old cooking techniques
with new ingredients or with old ingredients:
mixing meat and fish; a salad mixing
vegetables and foie gras; pot-au-feu with
Acclimatization: importing “exotic” foreign
cuisine traditions, notably seasoning and
spices, including fresh pasta, ravioli,
cannelloni, cheesecake, cappuccino,
crumble, carpaccio, pudding, presskop~
risotto, tajine
Archetypal Ingredients
Fruits, vegetables, potatoes, aromatic herbs,
exotic ingredients, sea fish
Role of the Chef
The chef is at the center of operations. With
ala japonaise” (service through the
plate and service under a cloche), waiters’
role minimized.
Very narrow menu, even no menu: chefs
of the Menu
propose “Cuisine du Marche,” “Cuisine
selon saison.” No inventories to increase
freshness. Consuming is a shorter
Related art is Painting (two dimensions):
service through the plate leads cooks to add
products only for aesthetic reasons. Colors,
contrasts, decoration, and the five senses
are important.
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
Chapter 4
ents, and sea fish. The role of the chef was reframed to that of
an innovator, creator, and owner, and the role of the waiter
was minimized. Service ala japonaise or service through the
plate (first offered by Troisgros in the late 1960s) and service
under a cloche (first presented by Guerard in the early 1970s)
minimized the role of the waiter. The nouvelle cuisine menu
was far shorter than the classical cuisine menu and large inventories became superfluous since chefs emphasized freshness. Service through the plate and service under a cloche led
cooks to add products only for aesthetic reasons, emphasiz-
awarded two stars since 1967, is the oldest two-star French
restaurant, and Johannes Randoing, a cook since 1934, was
succeeded by his son-in-law, Gilles Etfocle, in 1988. Eteocle
declared in an interview with the author,
We are a family business. My father-in law cooked a
very rich cuisine. We used up to
liters of cream a
mony. The object of nouvelle cuisine was «no more the meta-
week, down to 15 liters a week now. The sauce drove
all the cuisine. The sauce was the quintessence ….
There is an old cook’s saying: “If you are not capable
of some sorcery, it is not worth getting involved in
cuisine.” The sauce chef was the alchemist. At that
morphosis of the food product, but the revelation of its
time, the customers came for that cuisine. When I
essential truth.” 12
took over in the mid Sos … I started to innovate
Interviews with chefs suggested that dissatisfaction with
their own knowledge and the desire for autonomy were triggers of identity change for key activists. Michel Guerard, a
winner of three Michelin stars and the Meilleurs Ouvriers de
and proposed a more personal cuisine. However, it
was very complicated to have two ethics living under
the same roof. When loyal old customers come along
and tell you: “it is no more what it used to [be], there
France in cooking and pastry, was a nouvelle cuisine activist
is no more Creole rice to sponge up the sauce . .. .”It
who rejected classical cuisine. Guerard, speaking of hinrself
and Jean Delaveyne, who also started as a pastry chef, said,
“Classical cuisine itself had been lifeless, inert, apathetic for a
while …. The desire emerged in us to do something else, to
singularize ourselves, to be recalcitrant and reject the traditional authority and whatever existed before:’ 13
The conversion of Gilles Eteocle, chef of La Poularde, located in Montrond-les-Bains, a large village in a sparsely
populated, agriculture-based area in central France, shows
how chefs had to respond to old customers while embracing
nouvelle cuisine and manage the transition. La Poularde,
has taken more than fifteen years for me to affirm
my spirit in my cuisine…. Now, I have done it, I am
ing colors, contrasts, and decoration but in a shorter cere-
in coherence with my cuisine. You know, it is an art;
I have been on the edge for years to keep this second

Was Nouvelle Cuisine a Fad?
As a motor of collective action, social movements differ from
fads and fashions in that they are organized efforts to reorganize a social field and result in enduring social change. To
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
Chapter 4
address whether nouvelle cuisine was a short-lived fad, information on the temporal pattern of abandonment of classical
ing two or more signature dishes in ihe nouvelle realm. Nouvelle cuisine steadily gained adherents over time, and classi-
cuisine and adoption of nouvelle cuisine is required. One
cal cuisine eroded over time, which is consistent with the
way to study whether chefs subscribe to classical or nouvelle
cuisine is to understand their signature dishes, which chefs
identify as emblematic of their identity. They are sources of
pride for the chef. Each year, the Michelin guide lists three
signature dishes of any chef in a given restaurant who received a star. These are dishes submitted by the chef to the
Michelin guide, and the only requirement is that they ought
to be a regular feature of the menu and easily available to
growth of a social movement rather than a fad.
Did chefs merely flirt with nouvelle cuisine only to abandon it later? The majority of those who had one or more
nouvelle cuisine dishes did not abandon them wholesale. 15 In
1975, 84.8 percent of nouvelle cuisine adoptees did not aban-
consumers. Consumers who see the guide and the signature
dishes of a restaurant can easily decide whether to patronize
the restaurant. 14
In 1970, when our window of observation begins with
the onset of the nouvelle cuisine movement, 47.69 percent of
chefs had all three signature dishes in classical cuisine; only
2.26 percent had all three signature dishes in nouvelle cuisine. By 1997, only 6.32 percent of chefs were all classical, and
30.83 percent were all nouvelle cuisine. In 1970, 225 chefs
(35.77 percent) had one nouvelle cuisine dish (and, by implication, two classical cuisine dishes). Chefs in 1970 considered
one nouvelle cuisine dish a trial and did not take risks; in
many cases, they copied Troisgros’s l’ escalope de saumon a
l’ oseille. Thus, at the outset of the movement, there was interest in nouvelle cuisine. If dominantly classical cuisine
chefs are defined as those with no or one nouvelle cuisine
dish, they accounted for 83.46 percent of chefs in 1970, but by
1997 this number had declined to only 29.84 percent, and
70.16 percent of chefs were dominantly nouvelle cuisine, hav-
don even one nouvelle cuisine dish for classical cuisine, and
this number remained as high as 74.3 percent in 1997. Chefs
abandoning one nouvelle dish for a classical dish rose from
14.9 percent in 1975 to 25.6 percent in 1997, thereby indicating
some degree of hybridization. But none of the chefs with
three nouvelle cuisine dishes abandoned them for classical
cuisine, and less than 1 percent of chefs with two nouvelle
cuisine dishes abandoned them for classical cuisine in 1975
and 1987. The average time since adoption of a nouvelle cuisine dish ranged from o to 144 months, with a mean of 28.8
months, indicating that people did not adopt nouvelle cuisine and abandon it shortly thereafter.

How Did Collective Action Succeed
in Establishing Nouvelle Cuisine?
In the nouvelle cuisine movement, culinary rebels were ex-
horting chefs to change not jnst their menus but their identity: to be innovators and not slaves to Escoffier. More than
delivering exhortations, they were offering a new theory of
cuisine. Theories can originate from many places, ranging
from academic researchers to journalists, and can be com85
Chapter 4
municated to the public via various types of media. 16 Journalists are interesting sources of theories because they have a
predisposition to cover newsworthy disruptions and celebrate the differences between the old logic and identity and
the insurgent logic and identity. Media coverage of innovations is seldom neutral and often laudatory, and a study of
media coverage of quality circles reported that 85 percent of
references were laudatory. 17
In the case of nouvelle cuisine, culinary journalists sympathetic to nouvelle cuisine played an important role in creating a shared symbolic environment for chefs and the public to appreciate the new logic and identity. A monthly
periodical was created in 1972 by Henri Gault and Christian
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
having all three of their signatures dishes in tbe nouvelle cuisine category go up 1,339 times as the number of pages devoted to theorization increases from o to
900. 18
Moreover, the rebels promoting the nouvelle cuisine
movement were not just peripheral individuals but chefs occupying legitimate positions of power in tbe professional society of French chefs. In 1969, the professional society of
French chefs, Maitres Queux et Cordons Bleus de France,
was renamed Maitres Cuisiniers de France (MCF), and its
management consisted of four groups: founders and honorary presidents and vice presidents; an executive committee
made up of an active president, three to five vice presidents,
two general secretaries, two treasurers, and five to ten ap-
Millau, two culinary journalists, to advance nouvelle cuisine,
pointed members drawn from the ranks; an admission com-
and Gault and Millau went on to encapsulate tbe “Ten Commandments of Nouvelle Cuisine” in Vive la Nouvelle Cuisine
Franraise. These ten commandments reflect four values,
which also characterized the protests of May 1968: truth,
lightness, simplicity, and imagination. Culinary journalists
writing in magazines such as Le Cuisinier Franrais (published
since 1934) and newer culinary journals such as La Revue
Thuries (published since 1988) propagated nouvelle cuisine
by popularizing its virtues, advancing rationales for the
mittee made up of twelve to eighteen members; and a control
commission made up of three members. The first group and
the control commission played marginal and cosmetic roles.
Real power resided in the executive committee because it designed the agenda of tbe MCF, nominated members of the
adoption of nouvelle cuisine, and chronicling success stories
of conversion and innovation. Favorable media coverage of
nouvelle cuisine by culinary journalists undermined the
logic of classical cuisine, created a discrepancy between
members’ desire for a positive social identity and their current affiliation, and induced tbem to jump ship. What was
the effect of such evangelical theorization? The odds of chefs
admissions committee, and thereby influenced admissions
into the MCF. In turn, membership in the executive committee was by invitation, and the tradition was to invite recipi-
ents of three Michelin stars or winners of the Meilleur Ouvrier de France (MOF) titles.
Early nouvelle cuisine rebels sucli as Paul Bocuse, Jean
Delaveyne, and Charles Barrier played key roles in tbe executive committee in the early years. These three chefs were winners of tbe prestigious MOF in 1961, 1952 and 1958, respectively, and were chefs in restaurants awarded three stars by
the Guide Michelin in 1965, 1972, and 1968, respectively. By
The Nouvelle Cuisine Innovation
Chapter 4
virtue of these accomplishments, they were welcomed into
the executive committee because existing members believed
that they would promote and develop the fading image of
the MCF association. Over the years, newer nouvelle cuisine
activists such as Alain Senderens and other nouvelle cuisine
chefs who had worked as “seconds” to Bocuse, Delaveyne,
and the others were also inducted into the executive committee, and in 1984, five of the six entrants to the executive com-
camp rose as the number of Michelin stars accruing to defectors rose. 19
If collective action established nouvelle cuisine as a new
style, how distinctive were its boundaries? Or were the
boundaries undermined by innovation by chefs?
The Strength of the Boundary
between Classical and Nouvelle Cuisine
mittee were nouvelle cuisine exponents. After 1984, nouvelle
cuisine activists and exponents steadily expanded control of
the MCF board. As the proportion of nouvelle activists increased from zero to 10 percent, the odds of chefs adopting a
nouvelle cuisine dish rose 2.29 times.
French chefs were also influenced by the defections of
influential peers, that is, those with two or more Michelin
stars who abandoned classical cuisine for nouvelle cuisine.
Defections of visible peers are damaging because they are
accessible and vivid and provide role models. Elite chefs realized that unlearning classical cuisine and embracing nouvelle cuisine was risky-it could undermine status-and
paid keen attention to whether the adopters of nouvelle
cuisine gained in reputations and Michelin stars as a result
of their change. Chefs were attentive to the number of
Michelin stars, desired more stars than they had, and were
terrified of losing the ones that they possessed. Although
the inspection by the Guide Michelin is performed anonymously and is opaque, chefs attributed a gain or loss of
stars to changes in the menu and, by implication, the shift
from classical to nouvelle cuisine. The odds of chefs having
all three of their signature dishes in the nouvelle cuisine
Consider the I:Auberge de !’Ill, a restaurant run by the Haeberlin family in Alsace, France, which has been continuously
awarded three stars by the Guide Michelin since 1970. But beneath this consistent quality, the nature of the signature
dishes offered to patrons has undergone a remarkable series
of changes. In 1970, a visitor to I:Auberge de l’Ill could select
from pure classical cuisine signature dishes such as brioche
de foie gras, salmon souffle, and noisette de chevreuil Saint
Hubert (venison). By 1980, pure nouvelle cuisine signature
dishes such as salade delapereau (young rabbit) had replaced
some of the classical cuisine signature dishes on the menu.
Thus, L’Auberge shifted from a purely classical cuisine
French restaurant to a hybrid one that featured both classical
and nouvelle cuisines. By 1995, the process of hybridization
evolved further when the dishes themselves borrowed elements from both classical and nouvelle cuisines. In 1995, a
patron could choose from ragout de grenouilles poelees,
petit chou farci ala choucroute et aux grenouilles (fried frogs
in stew, small cabbage stuffed with sauerkraut and frogs),
and supreme de pigeonneau au cliou en crepinettes, pastilla d’abats au foie d’oie (young pigeon with cabbage in
Chapter 4
crepinettes and giblets pastilla with goose liver). Stew and
stuffed preparations are archetypal classical cuisine techniques, while supreme and crfpinettes are nouvelle cuisine
techniques. Pastilla and sauerkraut allude to the exotic influences of nouvelle cuisine, and the adjective
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